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See Bitonga Divers President Kudzi Guicome as she makes her way to become an Instructor in the Diving With A Purpose program of marine archaeology. Next month instructors from that program will come to Tofo, Mozambique to train Bitonga Divers and students in the Archaeology Department of Universidad Eduardo Mondlane under a program run by Ocean Revolution with funding from The US Ambassadors Fund for Cultural Programs, Fondation Ensemble, George Washington University and the Smithsonian African American History and Cultural Museum and the Africa Slave Wrecks Program.

(Source: vimeo.com)

Joseph Hanlon’s Latest Newsletter comments on Elections, renewed fighting, the History of Renamo and more


News reports & clippings

12 February 2014


Editor: Joseph Hanlon ( j.hanlon@open.ac.uk<mailto:j.hanlon@open.ac.uk>)

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This mailing list is used to distribute two publications, both edited by Joseph Hanlon. This is my own sporadic “News reports & clippings”, which is entirely my own responsibility. This list is also used to distribute the Mozambique Political Process Bulletin, published by CIP and AWEPA, but those organisations are not linked to “News reports & clippings” Joseph Hanlon
In this issue:
Negotiation, violence, book review
agreement on elections
respite renewed fighting

More opposition members on the National Elections Commission (CNE) and the politicisation of the electoral machinery were agreed in negotiations between Renamo and the government Monday and today. The opposition MDM has objected to not being part of the discussion. Meanwhile, there has been renewed fighting between Renamo and the government.

On Monday, negotiators agreed to restructure the CNE, which now has 13 members - 5 Frelimo, 2 Renamo, 1 MDM, 3 civil society (including the chair), and two legal figures, a judge and a public prosecutor. Negotiators agreed to remove the two legal figures and add 6 more party figures. Numbers have not been publicly stated but there would probably be 7 Frelimo, 5 Renamo, 2 MDM and 3 civil society. As two of the civil society members of the CNE are close to Frelimo, this would maintain the Frelimo majority.

Keeping the civil society members would maintain Sheik Abdul Carmio as chair (president) and allow the electoral process to continue, with registration starting Saturday 15 February and elections for president and national and provincial parliaments on 15 October.

Negotiators today agreed to politicise the electoral administration technical secretariat STAE (Secretariado Tecnico de Administracao Eleitoral). STAE will now include deputy director-generals and deputy directors of each department appointed by the parties.

Renamo hopes to present a bill to parliament this week that includes the agreed changes. Details of the changes to STAE still have to be worked out tomorrow. Parliament announced on 31 January that the next session would start Wednesday 19 February, two weeks early, clearly in anticipation of having to deal with the election law revision as the first item of business.

Nothing has been said about possible change to the composition of provincial, district and city elections commissions and STAEs. Election commissions below the CNE currently have 11 members: 3 Frelimo, 2 Renamo, 1 MDM (which gives the opposition parity with Frelimo) plus 5 civil society. It is likely the parties will agree to similar changes to elections commissions and STAE’s at all levels.

Meanwhile, MDM president Daviz Simango yesterday objected to Frelimo and Renamo meeting in secret to change the electoral law, directly affecting MDM but without including MDM in the disucssion. It is “an assault on democracy”, he said. (Sources: O Pais, Noicias, AIM 11 and 12 Feb.)

COMMENT: MDM did unexpectedly well in municipal elections, and Frelimo will be anxious to have Renamo back in the elections in order to divide the opposition. Renamo also needs to stand in this election because most of its funding comes from parliament members’ salaries, government grants based on parliamentary seats, and funding for this election.

Another aspect is that there are 141 districts and 23 cities, each with their own election commission and STAE, plus 11 provinces with election commissions and STAEs. Each of these will probably have several Renamo posts. This gives the Renamo president hundreds of posts with salaries to give to supporters. And after 20 years as the opposition party, Renamo will have people in most districts to fill those posts.

But this works against MDM, which is a newer party and which does not yet have members it can put into sinecures. MDM will need to find 1000 candidates and more than 10,000 polling station party agents. It also must organise its first genuinely national campaign. Therefore, to take several hundred competent people out of the campaign and put them into STAEs and election commissions will weaken the MDM. But Frelimo and Renamo will be happy to work together to weaken MDM.

After STAE and election commission members in Zambezia blatantly tried to steal the election in Gurue, it would be hard to argue against the Renamo demand to have more people inside watching. Unfortunately, in the past large election commissions and politicised STAEs have proved to be slow and cumbersome, but Renamo was never able to use its position to prevent fraud.

After the 2009 election the Constitutional Council demanded an entirely new election code, and civil society moved (with some support in Frelimo) to organise public hearings outside parliament to draft a new code, and which would have proposed a non-party CNE selected in open hearings, following the South African model. Inexplicably, the budget support donors rejected this, and the settlement of the early 2010 donor strike involved government agreeing to reject the Constitutional Council, ignore civil society, and go back to parliament not to draft a new code but simply to amend the existing contradictory electoral laws. Inevitably, the parties in parliament demanded places for their parties on the election commissions - although Frelimo did resist the politicisation of STAE. Embassies have short institutional memories, so it is important to remind the budget support donors that they created the environment for the present process by rejecting the only chance for non-partisan election commissions. jh

Negotiations and mediators

Last year neither side seemed particularly interested in negotiating or in a settlement. But MDM success in local elections and looming national elections spurred both sides. Renamo had been boycotting the talks, in part in reaction to government rigidity and formalism. But on 27 January Renamo returned to the talks; Frelimo agreed to accept five national mediators/observers and Renamo dropped demands for international mediation.

CanalMoz reports that the two sides met in secret every day last week, including Saturday, in the parliament building, with some of the mediators present. They then returned to the official sessions in the Joaquim Chissano conference centre on Monday, with some of the mediators/observers present, and today, with all five, who are:
+ Dinis Sengulane, Anglican bishop.
+ Lourenco do Rosario, Vice-Chancellor of the Polytechnic University.
+ Padre Filipe Couto, the former Rector of Eduardo Mondlane University (UEM) and founder and former Rector of the Catholic University.
+ Sheik Saide Abibo, Muslim cleric. and
+ Anastacio Chembele, minister of the United Methodist Church.

CanalMoz also reports that the government rejected two Renamo proposals for mediators: Alicia Mabota, president of the Human Rights League, and Prof Gilles Cistac of UEM.

Negotiations today took five hours and were only about the composition of STAE; they will continue discussing STAE tomorrow, Thursday.

Shelling and attacks
near Gorongosa

Government today (Wednesday) confirmed that it has been using “heavy artillery” to shell Renamo positions near Gorongosa ince last Wednesday, but it denied bombing from aircraft. (AIM, @Verdade 12 Feb) Cristovao Chume, a national director in the Defence Ministry, said the shelling was really just a demonstration, to show Renamo that the army had power to mount a major military offensive. In effect he was admitting that heavy artillery is of little use against a guerrilla force, O Pais (11 Feb) notes that the Gorongosa “mountain” is in fact 17 different peaks surrounded by dense forest.

O Pais (11 Feb) and STV report that the government military have occupied three former Renamo bases including Santungira, the former headquarters of Renamo head Afonso Dhlakama. Those bases are supplied by road from Gorongosa town. Renamo has attacked those supply convoys and bases on an almost daily basis, most recently killing 1 soldier and injuring 2 others on Friday. The shelling is a response.

There was also a confrontation between Rename and government forces near Muxungue last Friday.

Other news

Attorney General Augusto Paulino said last week that he would prosecute electoral crimes. The Public Prosecutor’s office had been criticised for rarely following up even gross electoral offenses. (O Pais, 7 Feb)

An air safety investigator sent by the US State Department to report on the aircraft crash that killed President Samora Machel in 1986, told AIM (4 Feb) that the South African apartheid regime did possess a mobile navigational beacon which could have been used to lure the plane away from its correct flight path. Alan E Diehl, an award winning aviation safety expert, now wants the United Nations or a similar international body to investigate the death of Samora Machel and his fellow victims, telling AIM: “this may well have been a crime against humanity and requires full disclosure. I hope that the US State Department will release my report to the investigating authorities”.

Book review

Stephen Emerson, The Battle for Mozambique, Pinetown, South Africa: 30 degrees South, and Solihull, England: Helion.

This is a detailed military history of the 1977-92 war, based on interviews with participants and access to some archives. Author Stephen Emerson has a background in US military intelligence and the book is particularly good on Renamo and on Zimbabwean military involvement, but less good on Mozambique where he did not have access to archives or to senior military people..

As a journalist who covered the war, I find it interesting that although the book corrects many details, it also shows that much of what we knew or suspected at the time proves to be true.

Emerson stresses that this was a cold war proxy war, and that Renamo was only created and survived because of the support of Rhodesia and apartheid South Africa. He provides new information on the Rhodesian creation of Renamo. He details the extensive command, logistic, supply and training support by South Africa, which at one point was airlifting 180 tonnes of material a year to Renamo, as well as substantial quantities carried by boats. There were South African training teams in Mozambique, and Renamo was supplied with a radio system more sophisticated than that used by the Zimbabwean and Mozambican government.

By the late-1980s Afonso Dhlakama did command a large and surprisingly mobile military force, but it collapsed when South African support was withdrawn.

Although the book stops at 1992, it gives important pointers on current issues. Emerson notes that “Renamo insurgents have been blamed for much of the brutality unleashed against civilians during the war. And rightly so.” Noting that successful guerrilla warfare is supposed to involve gaining the confidence of the peasants, he asks why there was such consistent and “extreme brutality”. He concludes, as many of us did at the time, that Renamo’s main goals were military - cutting lines of communication such as road and rail, damaging the economy, and “the destruction of symbols of government power and presence, such as schools, health clinics, police stations, and Frelimo party offices.” Emerson notes that as Renamo was purely a military force with no ideology driving it, it concentrated on military goals set by its South African sponsors rather than trying to gain popular support. Nearly all of its soldiers were initially kidnapped rather than joining voluntarily. There is an interesting discussion of South Africa’s misguided efforts to keep control of the political side of Renamo, which made it difficult for the Mozambicans to develop a national identity and become a party. Dhlakama was a good operational military commander, but with strategy largely coming from South Africa. He was not a politician and the Renamo was not about organising local support, so it was unable to evolve and never became a proper political party. jh

Also on the web: Previous newsletters and other Mozambique material are posted onhttp://tinyurl.com/mozamb>”>tinyurl.com/mozamb<http://tinyurl.com/mozamb>; and bit.ly/mozamb

This mailing is the personal responsibility of Joseph Hanlon, and does not necessarily represent the views of the Open University.

— The Open University is incorporated by Royal Charter (RC 000391), an exempt charity in England & Wales and a charity registered in Scotland (SC 038302).

clubofmozambique (2014-01-23) Invasive species, illegal fishing practices and Mozambique´s difficulty in translating its rapid economic growth into jobs are squeezing the country´s small-scale fishing sector - a vital contributor to food security.

At dawn each day, weather permitting, scores of small craft - up to 10 metres long and crewed by eight - launch from Beira´s Praia Nova (New Beach) to set out and haul in 400-metre gill-nets in a constant cycle of roughly 15 minutes, for the next nine or so hours. Even though a single boat sets and hauls nets with a reduced and illegal size mesh over a distance of around 12km daily, the catch barely pays for the fuel used by the single 15-horsepower outboard motor.

In July 2013, across the bay from Beira, near the Pungwe river mouth, fishing crews began catching prawns not seen before, known locally as “Rainbow” prawns or “the new species”.

Praia Nova´s Community Fisheries Council president, Dilip Ramgi, told IRIN: “The capture is high [of Rainbow prawns], but the value is not good. People think they are diseased because they are not used to them. The normal prawns are much more delicious than the Rainbow… [and] the exoskeleton [of the foreign prawn] is much harder.”

The sales price for Rainbow prawns is only 50 metical ($1.67) per kilogram and a commercial enterprise has been buying them, while local prawns continue to sell at 150 metical ($5) a kilogram. “More are caught of the new species than the local one. They are from Southeast Asia. They are taking over the [prawn] beds,” Ramgi said. “No one knows how they got here.”
There is speculation the Rainbow prawns arrived in the bilges of foreign trawler vessels, or were transported from Asia to local prawn farms and escaped through careless management. The government fisheries department is still determining precisely what type of prawn they are, and trying to establish how they arrived in Mozambican waters.

At Praia Nova´s market, where fishing boats return in the late afternoon to sell their catch to traders, the disparity between the availability of local and Rainbow prawns is stark. Trader Maria Albert, 19, who has four children, displays four local prawns next to small mound of Rainbow prawns and a dozen or so small fish. She makes $3 to $6 a day profit. “There are not much local prawns, they are rare now. Poor people buy the rainbows, but not often,” she told IRIN.

The alien species has expanded its habitat by about 10km from the Pungwe river mouth and analysts say it would be all but impossible to eradicate. The invasion is putting additional pressure on local prawn stocks, which have been suffering the adverse effects of the of the country´s dam system.

Mozambique´s prawns are “internationally renowned and play a major part in the national revenues,” said a report called Damned By Dams, by International Rivers, an NGO advocating the protection and preservation of riverine systems.

“The regulated flow [by the Cahora Bassa dam] on the Zambezi River in conjunction with the loss of nutrient-rich sediment has had a devastating effect on prawn populations and catches. An estimated $10 to $30 million a year is being lost due to decreased catch rates,” the report noted.

Prawns lay eggs in the sea, and the hatched larvae are forced into river mouths and mangrove forests during the dry season by ocean currents when river flows are weak. They are then pushed back into the sea as juveniles during the rainy season, when river water flows are stronger.

More than a quarter of million Mozambicans rely on fishing - both freshwater and maritime - for their livelihoods, and their activities support downstream enterprises from traders to transport businesses, as well as contributing to food security.

Fewer fish

A report by the South African Institute of International Affairs in August 2013,Small-Scale Fisheries in a Modernising Economy: Mozambique, noted: “The pressures on Africa´s fish stocks [which create employment for 95 percent of fishers and account for more than 90 percent of the fish consumed in Africa] are likely to grow in coming years, driven both by domestic and international demand. About 75 percent of Africa´s fish stocks are either over- or fully exploited.”

Mozambique´s nearly 2,700km Indian Ocean coast is home to about 60 percent of the country´s 24 million people, with about 75 percent engaging in subsistence agriculture. The skewed settlement is attributed to nearly two decades of civil war, when people fled the hinterland for the coastal regions, where agricultural land is generally less suitable for food production.

“Every year the size of fish is getting smaller… It´s the reason why the net size is being reduced,” Ramgi said. The minimum mesh size of beach seine nets (used from the shore) was 38mm, which was too big, so 25mm mesh has been adopted, even though it is “not legal”. Likewise, gill net mesh sizes have been reduced from 50mm to 38mm.
There are more than 1,200 fishermen operating from Praia Nova - the country´s largest launching site - with 292 registered gill nets, a sharp decrease from the 370 nets in 2012, and the 414 nets in 2007. “People are not necessarily giving up fishing, some are just moving northwards. But there is no money in fishing anymore. In the past I had ten fishing boats, now I have only three,” Ramgi said.

Fishermen told IRIN that three years ago an eight man crew could expect to return from a day´s gill-netting of pelagic fish with between 90kg and 150kg - now, a 90kg haul is seen as a good catch.

The reasons are disputed among fishermen, with blame attributed to the increasing number of people driven to the sector as a last resort, the destruction of coastal mangrove forests for use in construction and as fuel, the use of illegal chicocota nets – made from mosquito nets – and because their equipment restricts them to just under five kilometres from the shore.

Chicocota nets

Illegal chicocota nets are made in plain sight on Beira´s beaches, with mosquito nets sewn onto a frame of old trawler net ropes to form a large funnel. The fine mosquito net mesh means that nothing – not even larvae – escape. About 80 percent of the catch is usually dumped as unsuitable for consumption.

Antonio Remedio Augusto, of the government´s small-scale fisheries department in Sofala province, told IRIN there were “maybe more than a 1,000 chicocota nets” in use around Beira, and despite awareness campaigns the practice was very difficult to stop. “They tell us, ´Okay, give us money to buy a good net´. People know the damage [these nets cause to the marine environment], but [fishing with] chicocota nets provides good money.”

About 600 community fisheries councils form a central plank in a community-government partnership in small-scale fishery operations and are used as a conduit for everything from government communications and assistance to conservation awareness and providing financing.

In 2010 the government gave the Beira council a boat by to patrol the coastal waters and rip out chicocota nets. But little has been achieved because “there is no money for fuel”, Ramgi said.
Praia Nova´s council office uses mangrove poles as supports for its building and the illegally harvested wood is sold openly in the adjacent sprawling market, where the hundreds of stalls are constructed from mangrove timber.

About 40km north of Beira, the 1,400 fishermen in the village of Ndjalane have experienced first-hand the impact of denuded mangrove swamps on their livelihoods. “When the mangroves were cut down, everything disappeared - the fish, crabs, prawns, everything,” Ndjalane´s community fisheries council president, Antonio Maximo, told IRIN.


A three-year-old joint donor-government replanting programme has seen the mangrove forests begin to recover, and the local council has strict controls on harvesting the trees. Anyone from the community needing wood “has to ask the council first”, Maximo said. “People can only remove plants where the density is high. If people are caught removing plants… the wood is confiscated and they… [have] to plant 500 new plants.”

However, the rejuvenated areas remain vulnerable to outsiders plundering the wood for sale in Beira.

Some fishermen believe changing climate conditions also account for reduced catches. “The rains are coming later. Normally they came during the November/December months, now it´s January/February. Bad weather [which prevents them from fishing] is more frequent, and the tides [are] much higher than in the past,” fisherman Chiringa Boaze Munchacha, 32, told IRIN.

Jaime Tangune, president of a Beira-based transport association, told IRIN that fish were being dried for only one day to retain water - making it heavier so as to fetch higher prices - instead of two days as before, reducing the shelf-life of the fish from more than a year to just a few months.

The 2008 global economic slowdown did not dampen the country´s growth rates – in part driven by a resource boom – but it has not translated into employment as there has not been “any significant structural change, limiting its capacity to sustainably reduce poverty and foster human development, still one of the lowest in the world,” a 2012 report by African Economic Outlook said.

The sustainability of the small-scale fishing sector lies on the land, Augusto noted. “If people have jobs, they will stop fishing.”

Source: IRIN News

Chissano Speaks to Africa’s Leaders

Posted on Tuesday, 14 January 2014 12:11

H. E. Joaquim Chissano is the former President of Mozambique and current co-chair of the High-Level Task Force for the ICPD (International Conference on Population and Development)


This is a transformative moment for Africa – and indeed, for the world.

Decision-makers from across the continent, under the able leadership of Liberian President, Ellen Johnson Sirleaf, are finalising a crucial document outlining a common position for Africa on the development agenda that will replace the Millennium Development Goals after 2015.

To be free is not merely to cast off one’s chains, but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others - Nelson Mandela

Since the 1990s, Africa has gained considerable strength in international negotiations by sticking together and forging consensus on important issues.

It is a strategy that has empowered us in many ways. And it means that our voices will be heard when the framework that will guide governments, donors and development partners for years to come is negotiated. So we need to be careful what we ask for.

I urge our leaders to draw from the lessons of the past, but also to heed current realities. And to look ahead to what the future is calling forth – because this new development agenda will affect the lives of millions of our people at a very critical time for Africa.

I encourage leaders to take a strong stand for fundamental human rights, and advance the trajectory for basic freedoms.

This means pushing for three priorities that lie at the heart of sustainable development: the empowerment of women and gender equality; the rights and empowerment of adolescents and youth; and the sexual and reproductive health and rights of all people.

These interlinked priorities and their policy implications have been carefully analysed by the High-Level Task Force for the ICPD that I co-chair.

We have found that they represent not only human rights imperatives, but smart, cost-effective investments to foster more equitable, healthy, productive, prosperous and inclusive societies, and a more sustainable world.

Sexual and reproductive health and rights, in particular, are a prerequisite for empowering women and the generations of young people on whom our future depends.

This simply means granting every one the freedom – and the means — to make informed decisions about very basic aspects of one’s life – one’s sexuality, health, and if, when and with whom to have relationships, marry or have children – without any form of discrimination, coercion or violence.

This also implies convenient, affordable access to quality information and services and to comprehensive sexuality education.

We can no longer afford to discriminate against people on the basis of age, sex, ethnicity, migrant status, sexual orientation and gender identity, or any other basis – we need to unleash the full potential of everyone.

As an African who has been around a long time, I understand the resistance to these ideas.

But I can also step back and see that the larger course of human history, especially of the past century or so, is one of expanding human rights and freedoms.

African leaders should be at the helm of this, and not hold back. Not at this critical moment.

The international agenda that we will help forge is not just for us here and now, but for the next generations and for the world.

As I think about these issues, I am reminded of the words of our recently departed leader, who gained so much wisdom over the course of his long walk to freedom.

"To be free is not merely to cast off one’s chains," Nelson Mandela reminded us, "but to live in a way that respects and enhances the freedom of others."

Let us live up to his immortal words.

 H. E. Joaquim Chissano is the former President of Mozambique and current co-chair of the High-Level Task Force for the ICPD (International Conference on Population and Development)

Read the original article on Theafricareport.com : An Open Letter to Africa’s Leaders - Joaquim Chissano, former President of Mozambique | Soapbox 
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clubofmozambique(2014-01-14) Around 1 billion meticals, or US$33 million, is being invested in construction of 14 tourist resorts across Nampula province, said provincial governor Cidália Chauque.

Cited by daily newspaper Notícias, the governor said that the hotels and tourism sector was in a positive phase particularly in terms of increased amount of accommodation.

At the end of last year Nampula had 3,510 available beds for tourists or 297 more than in 2012.

The northern province of Nampula has areas of economic interest such as the Nacala special zone, the districts of Mossuril, Ilha de Moçambique, Memba and Moma which all attract businesspeople to invest in the tourism sector.

In her summary of the province’s performance, Chauque praised the investments made by the private sector with a view to improving passenger rail services linking the interior of the country to the coast.

The governor also noted that the company that manages the passenger transport, the Northern Development Corridor (CDN), had invested US$14 million in 12 air conditioned carriages and seven engines. She also said that the province’s roads now had better conditions for vehicles to travel along them.

When I think about racism and how it effects those I love and respect I’m not happy at all

Reblogged from oceanrevolution

This detailed Mozambique Municipal elections voting report shows problems no more serious than those we find in other countries and a strong showing by MDM

2013 Local Elections
Mozambique political process bulletin
Number LE-61    5 December 2013
Published by CIP and AWEPA, Maputo, Mozambique
Editor: Joseph Hanlon ( j.hanlon@open.ac.uk)
Material may be freely reprinted. Please cite the Bulletin.
web: bit.ly/MozEl13

CNE confirms results
of municipal elections

Frelimo’s victory in 50 of 52 municipalities was confirmed this afternoon (Thursday) by the National Elections Commission (CNE). But it also confirmed the impressive showing of the opposition MDM, which won two cities - Quelimane and Beira - and gained more than 40% of the vote in 10 other municipalities, including Maputo and Matola. (MDM has also won the rerun election in Nampula, which was not formally announced Thursday.)

Full statistics, including turnout, have not yet been released by the CNE.

The results must now be approved by the Constitutional Council.

All protests rejected

The MDM submitted protests in seven municipalities and ASSEMONA in one, but all were rejected on the narrow technical ground that that they had not first been submitted at the lowest possible level in the electoral hierarchy - the polling station or city election commission. The electoral law had been changed to make this less strict, and MDM will appeal to the Constitutional Council.  

CNE admits electoral
administration misconduct

In its report today on the elections, the CNE admits that in some places election authorities were slow to issue credentials to national observers and that this “compromised” the observation of the election. The CNE goes on to “repudiate and condemn actions to obstruct legal rights” by “electoral administration entities” as well as by political parties.

This is a clear admission by the CNE of the validity of at least some of the complaints by opposition parties and observers that they were unfairly treated by election officials.

Quelimane chaos

Confusion and disruption in 10 polling centres in Quelimane, particularly at the end of the day and during the count, was an major issue for the CNE. It says that in at least some places polling station staff were attacked with stones, bottles and plastic bags of sand and could not continue the count, and even had to abandon the ballot boxes.

In the end, the Quelimane city election commission said it had final results sheets (editais) for mayor for 110 polling stations but not for 31 others, and for municipal assembly for 105. MDM said the count had been completed in these polling stations and, as required by law, it had been given official copies of the editais. The electoral law says that in such a situation, the election commission must accept the party editais and use them. But the CNE refused to do so, on the grounds that there was no guarantee that the editais were really legitimate. Thus the CNE just counted the editais submitted by the Quelimane election commission.

The CNE has, however, directed STAE to carry out an investigation. It has also appealed to political parties, observers and journalists to submit their copies of the editais.

Electoral authorities cannot add

The official results issued by the Nampula city electoral commission have an arithmetic error. The votes for the five parties standing for municipal assembly add up to 54,374, but elsewhere on the results sheets the number of valid votes for assembly is given as 54,209.

Mozambique Political Process Bulletin 
Editor: Joseph Hanlon (j.hanlon@open.ac.uk
Deputy editor: Adriano Nuvunga
News editor: Fatima Mimbire
Reporter: Anchieta Maquitela
Material may be freely reprinted and circulated. Please cite the Bulletin. 
Published by CIP, Centro de Integridade Publica and AWEPA, the European Parliamentarians for Africa
            web: bit.ly/MozEl13


This mailing is the personal responsibility of Joseph Hanlon, and does not necessarily represent the views of the Open University.

— The Open University is incorporated by Royal Charter (RC 000391), an exempt charity in England & Wales and a charity registered in Scotland (SC 038302).

clubofmozambique(2013-12-02) Investment in tourism in Mozambique grew by 18 per cent in 2012, according to Prime Minister Alberto Vaquina.

Speaking on Friday in Maputo, at the opening of a meeting of Tourism Ministers of the Southern African Development Community (SADC), Vaquina said that investment in the tourism area in 2012 was about 640 million US dollars, compared with 540 million dollars in 2011.

The number of international arrivals in the country grew from just over two million in 2011 to 2.2 million last year – an increase of ten per cent. 

Vaquina declared that the tourism industry “plays a strategic role in the promotion of economic and social development, though job creation, the generation of income, the valuing of our historical and cultural heritage and the promotion of national unity and the self-esteem of citizens, families and communities”.

The diversity of the SADC member states, he said, could make the region competitive on the international tourism market “based on mutual cooperation to value the potential of each country”.

“The creation of unique, exclusive and complementary tourism products”, Vaquina continued, would be “a useful tool in searching out new markets and in the promotion of the region as a tourist destination”.

He encouraged the expansion of regional promotion and marketing initiatives, such as the “Boundless Southern Africa” brand which is promoting the transfrontier conservation areas.

SADC countries, Vaquina urged, “should find solutions to the main obstacles to the development of tourism in the region through designing appropriate policies and strategies which promote investment in tourism infrastructures, improved access to tourist destinations (air connections and entry visas), increased diversity of activities so as to prolong the average length of stay and the number of visits”. 

Vaquina noted that in Africa as a whole tourist arrivals and revenue increased by five per cent and three per cent respectively in 2012. 43 per cent of all international arrivals in the continent – 22.4 million people – were in the SADC region. However, that was only 2.2 per cent of international arrivals globally.

“These numbers represent an enormous challenge for us to continue strengthening our strategies to promote our tourism products on the international market so that our region can secure at least a five per cent share in the global market”, he declared. 

He hoped that the meeting would take decisions on the problems that hinder tourism, such as the limited number of international flights to SADC countries, and the granting of visas, as well as an adequate fiscal system for tourism, and the lowering of customs barriers. 

The meeting was marred by the absence of Malawi, the country which is currently chairing SADC. No reason was given for this absence.